Part II The CIA, the Press and Black Propaganda Kill Assad
As soon as Kevin Drum at Mother Jones absolved the CIA of spewing poison gas as a provocation, many on the Liberal Left cautiously threw their weight behind Obama and the thrill of waging a punitive war on Syria.
“Perhaps regime change is a good idea,” Tom Hayden speculated in The Nation.
Left paterfamilias Noam Chomsky, who generally shows an appreciation for the subtleties of covert action, claimed that America is not supplying its Al Qaeda mercenary army with arms – even though Eric Schmidt at The New York Times reported over a year ago that CIA officers in Turkey were “helping allies decide which Syrian opposition fighters across the border will receive arm.”
As if Hayden fomenting war and Chomsky covering for the CIA isn’t irony enough, Drum cleared the CIA in response to allegations of a provocation made by Rush Limbaugh. Which raises the question, what are the facts about the CIA’s penchant for “provoked responses” like the one in the Tonkin Gulf that started the Vietnam War?
Simply stated, black propaganda is one of many criminal but legally deniable things the CIA does. It often involves committing a heinous crime and blaming it on an enemy by planting false evidence, and then getting a foreign newspaper to print the CIA’s scripted version of events, which sympathetic journalists in America broadcast to the gullible public.
In the case of Syria, the CIA is using cooked Israeli “intelligence” as a catalyst – which is why, as Johnstone and Bricmont explain, the “intelligence” is so “dubious.”
Black propaganda has other “intelligence” applications as well, and is often used to recruit informants, and create deserters and defectors.
Veciana justifies his decision by claiming many went on to lead successful lives in America, but notes that a considerable amount “never saw their parents again.”
“It had not been my intention to divide families,” he writes. “I am sorry for those who were hurt.”
By 1960, Veciana had abandoned propaganda “in favor of more direct means,” building “small cells of resistance fighters” to carry out “violent disruptions.”
Early that year, he coordinated a series of firebombings using cigarette-pack-size bombs he made and handed off to others to plant.
A blaze at Havana’s central aqueduct “knocked out water throughout most of the capital for two full days.” Another fire, this one at a major department store, spread faster than intended, and a security guard was killed.
At a meeting in March 1960, Veciana says, Bishop told him, “I have this theory that if Fidel died, the revolution would be over.” Soon after, he writes, he received a message in invisible ink from Bishop informing him that a local asset had “what I needed to give Cuba its simple solution.”
He sent his family to Spain for their protection and went “underground,” living in safe houses.
In September 1960, he rented an apartment 120 yards from the Presidential Palace with a view of its north terrace — from which Castro occasionally spoke — and moved his mother-in-law in for cover.
He recruited a group of assassins and secured a cache of weapons including everything from .30-caliber M1 carbines to a 60mm mortar.
Preparation took a year. When, in October 1961, he learned Castro was scheduled to speak from the terrace, Veciana brought his team a bazooka disguised as a gift-wrapped lamp, intending for it to be fired at Castro as he spoke.
The morning of the operation, he put himself and his mother-in-law on a boat to Miami and waited for the news that would shock the world. It never came — the assassins got spooked and bailed.
In 1967, he received an urgent message from Bishop that his cover had been blown. He began carrying a gun, and while promoting a wrestling match — he had become a sports promoter in Puerto Rico — he miraculously escaped with his life when two bombs exploded in the stadium’s locker rooms. He was thrown against a door by the first blast, but was uninjured.
He engineered another attempt on Castro’s life in 1971, this time by way of a gun smuggled into a press conference in a small camera, but this failed for the same apparent reason as the first — the would-be assassins lost their nerve.
This was the final straw for Bishop. Meeting with Veciana, an enraged Bishop ordered him to kill the men who chickened out. Veciana refused, and their working relationship ended.
In 1973, Veciana was arrested for bringing a large amount of cocaine into the US from Bolivia, a crime he says he did not commit. Bishop met with him one last time, paying him $253,000 for all the work he had done, and washed his hands of Veciana, who wondered if Bishop set him up. Veciana was sentenced to seven years in prison, serving 26 months before being released.
In February 1976, he was called to testify in front of the House Select Committee on Assassinations.
He told them everything about his time with Bishop, including what he suspected was a possible tie between US intelligence and JFK’s assassination.
In 1963, 11 weeks before President Kennedy was murdered, Bishop asked Veciana to meet him in Dallas. Veciana claims that when he arrived, Bishop was meeting with a shy, quiet man who didn’t speak in his presence and left after five minutes. When Kennedy was killed and Lee Harvey Oswald’s picture was shown on the news, Veciana says, he remembered him as the man Bishop met with in Dallas.
After sharing this information with the committee, Veciana spoke with investigator Gaeton Fonzi numerous times over the next three years. Fonzi had him meet with a police sketch artist in an attempt to identify Bishop, and later, Sen. Richard Schweiker told Fonzi that the sketch “reminded him of David Atlee Phillips,” an officer in the CIA.
Fonzi arranged for them to meet, but Phillips and Veciana claimed they didn’t know each other. Fonzi wrote that Phillips was Bishop in his 1993 book about the inquiry, “The Last Investigation,” but Veciana didn’t publicly confirm this until 2014, when he did so at a conference held by the Assassination Archives and Research Center for the 50th anniversary of the release of the Warren Commission Report. This book marks the first time Veciana, who lives in Miami, has shared the story in its entirety.
In 1979, just days before Congress was due to issue its final report on the matter, Veciana was shot several blocks from his home, suffering minor injuries.
Later that year, when Castro was scheduled to speak at the UN, Veciana coordinated another attempt on his life, this time involving C4 that would be tossed into the crowd. The plan fell apart when the FBI got wind of it, but it turned out to have a potentially more devastating complication.
As it happens, Veciana’s daughter, Ana, was a reporter for the Miami News. As he tried to determine a way to salvage the mission, she called, telling him that she was being sent to New York to cover Castro’s speech.
“I’ll be just a few feet from him when he arrives,” she said.
“There was a chance that, in my blind obsession to kill Fidel Castro, I would have killed my own daughter,” he writes. “I decided then, I would try no more. My secret life was over.”
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General Ed Lansdale formalized CIA black propaganda practices in the early 1950s in the Philippines. To vilify the Communists and win support of Americans, one of his Filipino commando units would dress as rebels and commit atrocities on civilians, and then another unit would magically arrive with cameras to record the staged scenes and chase the “terrorists” away. Cameras were the key.
The CIA also concocted lurid tales of Vietminh soldiers’ disemboweling pregnant Catholic women, castrating priests, and sticking bamboo slivers in the ears of children so they could not hear the Word of God. Lansdale’s henchman, CIA agent-cum-journalist Joseph Alsop, gleefully reported this black propaganda.
The American “press” is the vital, arrogant, fatal, dominant X in black propaganda. When it comes to the CIA and the American press, one black hand washes the other. To gain access to CIA officials, reporters suppress or distort stories. They sell their black souls for scoops. In return, CIA officials leak stories to them. At its most incestuous, reporters and CIA officers are blood relatives. At one point, The New York Times correspondent in Vietnam, James Lemoyne, just happened to be the brother of the CIA’s counter-terror team chief in the Delta, Navy Commander Charles Lemoyne.
In a democratic society the media ought to investigate and report objectively on the government, which is under no obligation to inform the public of its activities and which, when it does, puts a “spin” on the news. As part of the Faustian Pact, when government activities are conducted in secret, illegally, reporters look away rather than jeopardize profitable relationships. The intended result is that the unwitting public is robbed of its freedom of speech – for how can you speak freely if you don’t know what’s going on?
If Lansdale hadn’t had Alsop to print his black propaganda, there probably would have been no Vietnam War. Likewise, Judith Miller, disgraced facilitator of the war on Iraq and rehabilitated Fox KKK-TV correspondent, brought you the Iraq War through false documents provided by CIA analysts.
We rarely know who the Alsops and Millers are in our midst, until after the fact. The CIA has a strict policy of keeping its atrocities to itself. And it is aided, in its eternal quest to deceive the American public, by the fact that black propaganda validates the beliefs of the Kevin Dumbs among us, as it assures their imagined security and sense of being exceptional.
In fact, black propaganda operations, and the CIA itself, are antithetical to democratic institutions.
A big part of the CIA’s current success is its ability to deliver its message through Left publications, and the Left’s unstated policy of self-censorship in regard to CIA operations. Most insidious, perhaps, are the former CIA officers who claim to be anti-war, and seek a veil of immunity by claiming to have been “analysts.” This is akin to saying “I was a bookkeeper for the Mafia. I never killed anyone.”
Of course it’s the bookkeepers who tell the bosses the names and addresses of the delinquents who haven’t paid their extortion money this week. The Phoenix Directorate in Saigon had analysts performing the same assassination, kidnapping and torture function on an industrial scale.
Despite the popular portrayal of the CIA as patriotic guys and girls risking everything to do a dirty job, the typical CIA officer is a sociopath without the guts to go it alone in the underworld. They gravitate to the CIA because they are protected there by the all-powerful Cult of Death that rules America.
The most dangerous facet of having former CIA officers slithering around is their uniform message that the CIA is necessary. These are not Phil Agees, revealing the ugly truth and calling for the CIA’s abolition. Like all the CIA’s political and psychological warfare experts, they are at the forefront of the war on terror, using psywar to achieve the goals of the Cult of Death that rules America. The result is a theatre of the absurd, a world of illusion.
Now we are told that the CIA Syrian mercenaries may launch a chemical attack on Israel from government-controlled territories as a “major provocation.” What you can be sure of is that some provocation will be launched and that the press, including most of the Left, will cover it up.
Doug Valentine is the author of five books, including The Phoenix Program. See www.douglasvalentine.com or write to him at email@example.com
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Forged letters are a CIA specialty. Former CIA officer Philip Agee told how he mounted a successful operation using forged letters against Ecuadoran Antonio Flores Benitez, a key member of the Communist revolutionary movement. “By bugging Flores’ phone, we found out a lot of what he was doing. His wife was a blabbermouth. He made a secret trip to Havana and we decided to do a job on him when he landed back in Ecuador. With another officer, I worked all one weekend to compose a “report” from Flores to the Cubans. It was a masterpiece. The report implied that Flores’ group had already received funds from Cuba and was now asking for more money in order to launch guerrilla operations in Ecuador. My Quito station chief loved it so much he just had to get into the act. So he dropped the report on the floor and walked on it awhile to make it look pocket-worn. Then he folded it and stuffed it into a toothpaste tube-from which he had spent three hours carefully squeezing out all the toothpaste. He was like a kid with a new toy. So then I took the tube out to the minister of the treasury, who gave it to his customs inspector. When Flores came through customs, the inspector pretended to go rummaging through one of his suitcases. What he really did, of course, was slip the toothpaste tube into the bag and then pretend to find it there. When he opened the tube, he of course “discovered” the report. Flores was arrested and there was a tremendous scandal. This was one of a series of sensational events that we had a hand in during the first six months of 1963. By late July of that year, the climate of anti-Communist fear was so great that the military seized a pretext and took over the government, jailed all the Communists it could find and outlawed the Communist Party.”
Likewise the catalyst for the 1973 coup in Chile was a forged document-detailing a leftist plot to start a reign of terror – which was discovered by the enemies of President Salvador Allende Gossens. The result was a violent military coup, which the CIA officers (who had set it in motion through disinformation in the Chilean press) sat back and watched from their hammocks in the shade.
And on and on it goes.
Part 1 'Then' MSM Black Propaganda: Trying to kill Castro
By Larry Getlen
Antonio Veciana was a “skinny, asthmatic” CPA in Cuba when he was approached in September 1959 by a man calling himself Maurice Bishop.
Bishop handed him a business card from a Belgian mining firm, then spent an hour rattling off every aspect of Veciana’s life and beliefs. On the subject of the accountant’s “feelings of opposition to [Cuba’s] revolutionary government,” he was especially well-informed.
“Cuba is going through challenging times — dangerous times,” Bishop said.
“It’s important for intelligent and determined people to be willing to help prevent it from continuing on its current path.”
Bishop was no mining executive but rather was there “on behalf of a US intelligence agency,” and asked Veciana if he would “cooperate” with US intelligence in taking on Fidel Castro.
Veciana, stunned, mumbled something about it being “too soon” and said he would need time to think.
“I assure you it’s not too soon,” Bishop replied. “The time has come to act. Your time.”
Thus begins a tale with all the twists, turns and action sequences of a “Bourne” film. As he details in a new book, “Trained to Kill: The Inside Story of CIA Plots Against Castro, Kennedy, and Che” (Skyhorse Publishing, out now), Veciana became a counterrevolutionary, spending the next few decades attempting — first at Bishop’s direction, then on his own — to sabotage the Cuban government and kill its leader.
Veciana was trained on everything from how to send messages in invisible ink to the use of firearms and explosives, including “C3, C4 . . . firebombs the size of cigarette packs, [and] how to arm and set off a bomb.”
He was also given a special pill. “If your capture is inevitable, take this,” Bishop told him. “It’s poison. Deadly in seconds. We’ll take care of your family.”
From then on, he carried the pill everywhere he went.
Being an accountant, his first attempts at destabilizing Castro’s government took the form of economic sabotage.
First, he contacted an attorney friend who worked for the Finance Ministry.
“I need you to create a law that says the government is going to confiscate people’s money,” he told him. “And that the money that’s on the street is going to be exchanged.”
His friend wrote the law, printed it on government stationery — “the only thing missing was a signature and official seal” — and gave it to Veciana, who distributed copies as the draft of a law about to be approved by Castro.
The result was predictable chaos, as millions of Cubans withdrew their money from banks.
Veciana used this tactic again soon after, with a fake law declaring Castro was suspending parental rights, placing all Cuban children in the government’s control.
This again caused a panic, leading to unforeseen consequences.
“The impact was enormous,” he writes. “It sparked ‘Operation Pedro Pan,’ the exodus of more than 14,000 unaccompanied children sent out of Cuba by their parents.”
In his autobiography Soldier, Anthony Herbert told how he reported for duty in 1965 in Saigon at the joint CIA-military Specials Operations Group. The spooks asked him to join a secret psywar program. “What they wanted me to do was to take charge of execution teams that wiped out entire families and tried to make it look as though the VC themselves had done the killing. The rationale was that other Vietnamese would see that the VC had killed another VC and would be frightened away from becoming VC themselves. Of course, the villagers would then be inclined to some sort of allegiance to our side.”
As counter-terror guru David Galula explained, “Pseudo insurgents are a way to get intelligence and sow suspicion at the same time between the real guerrillas and the population.”
In a similar case in 1964, a famous CIA propaganda officer organized three armed “survey teams” which operated in neighboring hamlets simultaneously. When Vietcong propaganda teams departed from a hamlet, his cut-throat cadre would move in and speak to one person from each household, so the VC “would have to punish everyone after we left.”
In other words the CIA’s mercenaries (like some the CIA’s mercenaries in Syria) were provocateurs, setting people up for recriminations, for intelligence and publicity purposes.
Here’s another example: in 1964, CIA officer Nelson Brickham worked in the Sino-Soviet Relations Branch, where he managed black propaganda operations designed to cause friction between the USSR and China. At the heart of these black ops were false flag recruitments, in which CIA case officers posed as Soviet intelligence officers and, using actual Soviet cipher systems and methodology, recruited Chinese diplomats, who believed they were working for the Russians. The CIA case officers used the Chinese dupes to create all manner of mischief.
Brickham in 1967 created the Phoenix program in South Vietnam. The Phoenix program’s operations chief in 1970, Colonel Thomas McGrevey, had a “penetration agent” inside COSVN – the Central Office of South Vietnam. COSVN’s deputy finance director was the penetration agent. The deputy alerted McGrevey when the finance director was going on vacation, enabling McGrevey to mount a black propaganda campaign which framed the finance director for running off with embezzled funds.
A circular about the Phoenix program issued by the revolutionary Security Service in 1970, described how the nationalists viewed the CIA. As stated in the circular, “the most wicked maneuvers” of the CIA “have been to seek out every means by which to terrorize revolutionary families and force the people to disclose the location of our agents and join the People’s Self-Defense Force. They also spread false rumors. Their main purpose is to jeopardize the prestige of the revolutionary families, create dissension between them and the people, and destroy the people’s confidence in the revolution. In addition, they also try to bribe poor and miserable revolutionary families into working for them.”